The notion of a Job Guarantee is on a lot of lips these days, led by modern monetary theory (MMT) proponent Pavlina Tcherneva, whose short book (128 pages!), The Case for a Job Guarantee, has captured widespread acclaim. In my opinion, it’s must-reading for anyone trying to define a truly transformative agenda for the period ahead. MMT proponents consistently back this demand, and it’s also a demand of the Poor People’s Campaign. And its roots go back much further.
When he ran for president in 1932, FDR saw the need of a federal job guarantee and called it a human right. Yet, he and the Democrats failed to push it through. When the postwar boom ended in the early 1960s, unemployment returned with a vengeance, creating an ever-larger echelon of precarious workers with depressed incomes alongside a stagnant stratum unable to find any job at all (and dependent on inconsistent and inadequate government support).
In retrospect, the failure to include a federal job guarantee in the New Deal social contract stands out as a crucial revolutionary failure of the 1930s popular uprising against the Great Depression’s version of US corporate capitalism.
This time around, we have to do better. With ecological catastrophe a mere decade away, American society cannot save itself — nor make the necessary contributions to saving the world (that our country has long dominated) — unless it provides the economic security of alternative, life-sustaining, transition employment to every worker who sacrifices a petroleum-based job in order to save our planet. A job guarantee is no longer merely a human right — a mere matter of justice — it has become an ecological and social necessity…and one with no time for delay.
Coming out of the economic devastation of COVID, our newly-cleansed economy must rebuild along steeply modified lines; it will be a wasted opportunity if we fail to keep polluting industries in lock-down. To this end, the Biden Department of Labor should implement a permanent, federal Job Guarantee and provide block grants to state, local, tribal and territorial governments to fund — at $15/hour plus vacation, healthcare and child care — as many full-time jobs as necessary for anyone forced or willing to leave ecologically destructive employment (or finds oneself unemployed for any reason). At the same time, Biden should establish a Green New Deal industrial policy to create an array of employment opportunities in sustained, public and private investments aimed at achieving zero carbon emissions (and other ecological necessities) by 2025.
Below are some additional links to articles and videos on the subject.
In the wake of Ahmad Arbery’s murder, Jose Cano — the drummer of Las Cafeteras, a music group that we have collaborated with over the years — reached out to me. We both felt so angry and upset, and decided to create something together as a way to channel all of these feelings. The idea was to take several lines of a piece we created for the stage called “Miranda Rights” — it’s a part of our evening length work, joyUS justUS — and Jasmine Stanley (CONTRA-TIEMPO co-member and our community engagement coordinator) took the golden lines from this piece and created a text response. We asked our respective groups (CONTRA-TIEMPO and Las Cafeteras), friends, families and neighbors to be a part of it by making signs and adding their movement to the mix — and in less than a week we put this piece out to uplift, heal and reframe the narrative of hopelessness. For me, this is an example of what’s possible when people come together and share themselves for a message and idea that is beyond any of us as individuals. We all needed this — we needed to create something amidst so much loss — and we need to keep remembering the power of this futuring: WE WILL WIN.
we will win: An Artist Response to Injustice
A song for Solidarity. A poem to remember. So we never forget.
Jose Cano of Las Cafeteras was inspired to create this piece and bring others who were hurting into the process.
In collaboration with Jasmine Stanley, Ana Maria Alvarez, and Jannet Galdamez of CONTRA-TIEMPO. Featuring Cecilia Cano, Ruby Morales, and Alan Perez
Additional guests include: members of Las Cafeteras, @conjuntobruja, Sonny Singh, Curtis, Samad Raheem Guerra, and Luca Alvarez-Lowe
Directed by Luis Horacio Pineda
Music by Jose Cano with guest Eddie Valenzuela
This is our protest
This is our protest is a piece called ‘the court scene’ that was written by Samad Raheem Guerra and performed by Jasmine Stanley as a part of our touring work called joyUS justUS. I wanted to make this piece a living, breathing work that could live online during the lock down as an expression of our collective power to protest. As a parent whose primary role during this quarantine has been to keep my children safe and well — it’s felt so hard not to be able to be marching everyday on the front lines — especially while it has felt like this is the moment I’ve been preparing for my whole life. I’ve had to find another way to protest, to push back, to engage and it involves art making, parenting, loving on my community and creating support for those in my community who ARE on the front lines… this is my protest
This original piece is from the full evening length version of joyUS justUS (2018)
This is a version we created for audiences to experience this piece outside of the theater
Music by Las Cafeteras
Performed and improvised by Jasmine Stanley and Dalphe Morantus
Choreography was a collaboration between Ana Maria Alvarez, Chris Cuenza, Samad Raheem Guerra, Dalphe Morantus and Jasmine Stanley
People rally outside the Supreme Court as oral arguments are heard in the case of President Trump's decision to end the Obama-era, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (DACA), Tuesday, Nov. 12, 2019, at the Supreme Court in Washington. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)
“Building Multi-Racial Coalitions Against Trump’s Criminalization Policies”
| Jose Calderon |
The families who are coming here from Central America, Mexico, and Latin America overall are coming as a result of years of this country’s foreign policies toward those countries and the growing violence and poverty. These reasons include the economic inequalities that exist between the U. S. and Latin America, the uprooting of farmers and peasants as a result of trade agreements such as NAFTA that favor the subsidized multinational corporate interests in this country, and policies that result in the undercutting of staple crops such as beans and corn.
These policies have historically tended to separate immigrants coming to this country into political and economic refugees. Those coming from Cuba, for example, have been labeled as political refugees, as running from a country that this country has decided is persecuting them, and has welcomed them with speedy and immediate legalization status. This was also true for Vietnamese refugees who were also labeled as political refugees.
Those coming from Mexico or Central America are labeled as “economic refugees.” In practice, the U. S. during the Reagan administration continued to grant refugee status to immigrants from Southeast Asian and Eastern Europe while making it difficult for others fleeing places like Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. Being a refugee then has not been a matter of personal choice, but of government decisions based on a combination of legal guidelines and political expediency. How one is classified, as either an economic or political refugee, depends on the relationship between the U. S. and the country of origin and the international context of the time. It is problematic because it is not an economic mode of incorporation but a political status, validated by an explicit decision of the U. S. government.
The immigrant and refugee families from Central America come from countries where U. S. companies have been using their cheap labor and resources historically. The immigrant and refugee families are also running from drug cartels who would have no success were it not for the demand of the consumers that are primarily located right here in the U. S. Many are hoping to be reunited with parents or relatives already living in America, and they cross the border without papers because there are virtually no legal ways for them to immigrate. Nor can their undocumented parents return home to get them.
The media primarily blames the immigrant and refugee families for leaving because of gang violence but there are deeper issues here. A lot of the gangs in Southern California were formed as part of the great migration from El Salvador when Ronald Reagan and the U. S. government in the 1980’s intervened in that civil war resulting in 75,000 deaths. Many were arrested and deported and, in El Salvador and other central American countries we saw the rise of death squads and the mass incarceration of gang members. After the war, there was a rise in gangs and, although the U. S. government has not played any role in developing programs to deal with this issue, it has been organizations such as that of Homies Unidos who have been in the forefront of organizing and reducing the incarceration of gang members. Similarly, the Central American country of Honduras, from where many recent refugee children and families are coming from, has had a long history of wars that have displaced thousands. More recently, in 2009, the U. S. supported a military coup in Honduras that resulted in the ouster of the democratically-elected government of Manuel Zelaya. Following the coup, there has been mayhem in the government with oppression of any groups that protest. The economy has been in dire stress and thousands of children and families have been thrown into the streets and, with nowhere else to go, have joined the thousands of refugees who have made their way to the U. S. Mexican border. This is also true for the thousands climbing on trains and leaving Guatemala, a country where the U. S. supported a military junta that killed thousands of indigenous people.
The media and politicians in this country bypass this history when they present the reasons why immigrant and refugee families are coming here and seeking asylum. As a result, we have had rabid racism and nativism displayed by angry mobs in places like Murrieta, California with cries that these families have no rights to be here and should be immediately deported.
This goes against the official reports by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which documents that almost 60 percent of the children and the families fleeing to the United States from Central America are legitimate asylum seekers.
It is only our efforts that can ensure that the asylum-seeking immigrant and refugee families stuck in places like Tijuana and those who are coming here are not removed through a non-judicial process but receive the opportunity for fair and full consideration of their legal claims with access to legal counsel. The cost of pushing these refugee and immigrant families back into dangerous or deadly situations is simply too high.
These children and families, under international law, are entitled to be classified as refugees from violence and war. They have the right, as refugees, to have legal assistance and to have their cases heard before a judge. Those who are found to be refugees from violence or persecution have the right to asylum. However, instead of the U.S. asylum system recognizing the unique forms of persecution that these immigrant and refugee families have faced in their host countries, they are being denied any opportunity to articulate their claims for asylum — they are simply detained for long periods of time in inadequate facilities with little regard for their best interests.
In recent years, we have learned that it is only our organizing work at the grass-roots that can ensure legislation that is truly just and that rewards, not criminalizes, immigrant families and refugees for their contributions. We have moved forward from the period in 2004-2006 when California Governor Pete Wilson used Proposition 187 to get re-elected, when the Sensenbrenner bill was advanced by the anti-immigrant conservative right, and when there was a cutting of bilingual education and affirmative action. It was not that long ago that many labor unions were anti-immigrant. Now, in a recent session of the CA legislature, it was unions that helped to pass Assembly Bill 450, requiring an employer to require proper court documents before allowing immigration agents access to the workplace or to employee information. Alongside this, it is important to recognize the role that Dream Act recipients played in moving policy at a federal level like no other organization has been able to do in recent years. It was Dream Act recipients, before the 2012 elections, that showed their capacities for exerting this political power by presenting 11,000 signatures, courageously leading protests in the streets, and holding a series of sit-ins across the country that, along with many community-based legal teams, led to Obama’s executive order granting “deferred action status” and implementing a Deferred Action Policy.
The best strategy that these combined forces have been able to advance has been one that has organized multi-racially at the local, state, and national levels. On the local level, in the city of Pomona, I have been part of coalitions that have included immigrant, labor (UFCW), student, faith-based, and community-based organizations. The Pomona Habla coalition, on a local level, was an example of a coalition that took a local issue about immigrant rights and connected it to policy changes statewide (while building support to change immigration policies nationally).
The coalition became a model for the passage of ordinances in San Francisco, Los Angeles, and Baldwin Park allowing an unlicensed driver that permit an unlicensed driver to allow another licensed driver to allow another licensed driver to take custody of the vehicle rather than having it impounded. These statewide efforts led to the introduction of a bill by Assemblyman Gil Cedillo, and signed into law by Governor Jerry Brown, restricting local police from impounding cars at traffic checkpoint simply because a driver is unlicensed. This ultimately led to the passage of a bill allowing undocumented immigrants to obtain driver’s licenses.
In connecting the local to statewide efforts it is no accident why our political representatives have taken positions of “no ban and no wall,” supporting California as a sanctuary state, and vowing to protect the rights of our immigrant and targeted communities regardless of what oppressive policies Trump tries to force the states and cities to carry out. In recent years, it is the immigrant rights and worker movements who have pressured legislators in passing landmark pro–immigrant legislative policies such as: in-state tuition, driver’s licenses, new rules designed to limit deportations, state-funded healthcare for children, a new law to erase the word “alien” from California’s labor code, and the passage of SB-54, called the Sanctuary bill, which prohibits California officers from inquiring about a person’s immigration status and limits cooperation between California police officers and federal immigration agents. There are other bills in recent legislative session that have included measures to block the expansion of immigration detention centers, to protect undocumented immigrants from housing discrimination, and to stop unjust workplace raids.
The roots of these changes on the state level have their foundation in the organizing that is taking place at the grass-roots. On the local level, we have our coalitions that have been exemplary in the development of a partnership between the community-based Latino and Latina Roundtable organization, the Pomona Economic Opportunity Center, the Pomona Valley Chapter of the NAACP, the Inland Valley Immigrant Justice Coaltion, and others. In creating connections between the educational and immigrant rights needs of families, the partnership has implemented workshops for hundreds of students and parents in how to qualify for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, how to obtain a Matricula Consular card (an official identification document issued by the Mexican government), and (with a coalition with the Pomona Day Labor Center) workshops on how to obtain a California driver’s license. The partnership on K-12 and college pipeline issues has led to further action, including family summits and some parents who have gone with us to Sacramento to educate our representatives on bills to provide safe schools for immigrant children and to ban the use of public funds to aid federal agents in deportation actions, as well as other legislation to protect vulnerable students and advance educational equity. We have also been organizing by getting our members and others to understand the Real ID, after the California DMV began offering a compliant Real ID driver license or ID card as an option in order for its holders to be able to board a domestic flight or enter a federal facility as of October 1, 2020. Most of the undocumented community is not eligible to receive these documents, which exposes them to vigilantism, profiling, and persecution. We therefore have been calling on our communities to opt for a non-compliant I.D. or driver’s license for use in our daily life in California instead – and in this way our documentation will be the same as that of an undocumented person with a driver’s license, thus making the distinction between “compliant” and “non-compliant” documents less effective as a mechanism to isolate our undocumented community.
As part of these efforts, we have been organizing to defend the rights of our Central American families who have faced deportation with Trump’s actions to abolish the Temporary Protected Status program affecting many Central American families (some whom have been here for over twenty years) with children who have grown up in this country and are now attending school or college or have full-time jobs. When the Trump administration sought to deport over 400,000 immigrants with Temporary Protected Status (TPS), a coalition made up of organizations such as the National Day Labor Organizing Network, CARECEN-LA, and the National TPS Alliance led a campaign to defend the program. This multiracial coalition has been exemplary in organizing a grassroots network of over 70 TPS committees from across the country, in training new immigrant rights leaders, and in bringing two class-action TPS justice lawsuits that initially blocked Trump’s termination of TPS status for nearly half a million people from six countries: Haiti, El Salvador, Sudan, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Nepal. These efforts, while initially successful in achieving a one-year extension for all six countries covered by the two lawsuits, received a setback on October 12 when the Ninth U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of the Trump administration and cleared the way for ending the protection of the 400,000 families covered under this program. In response, the coalition is embarking on a “Road to Justice” bus tour exposing how Trump’s TPS terminations were motivated by racism, going to 54 cities in 32 states, and ending with advocacy actions and meetings with congressional legislators in Washington, D.C.
Instead of supporting billions for surveillance technology, including unmanned drones and military-grade radar and billions toward the construction of a double-layer fence, our coalitions have continued to fight to stop the deportations of our undocumented brothers and sisters, who are not hard-core criminals, but whose only crimes are to work to feed their families here and abroad!
We continue to point out through forums and our research that the focus of this administration on enforcement and against a speedy process goes against the many studies that show how much undocumented immigrants would stimulate the economy if they were allowed legalization as quickly as possible. According to the American Progress organization, a speedier legalization would result in: an additional $1.4 trillion to the Gross National Product between the present and 2022; resident workers benefitting with an additional $791 billion in personal income; and the economy creating an average of an additional 203,000 jobs per year. Within five years of their legalization, undocumented immigrant workers would be earning 25% more than they are earning resulting in an additional tax revenue of $184 billion (with $116 billion to the federal government and $68 billion to state and local governments). Overall these statistics sustain the argument that the sooner asylum and legalization can happen, the more the significant gains for all working people and the greater the gains for the U.S. economy.
A progressive immigration policy will take fighting for supporting the allocation of funds for processing and not for enforcement — to take the millions being proposed for more fence and more border officers and use it for a more efficient means of doing away with a backlog of thousands waiting in line for legalization. It needs to include additional resources to allow for hearings that ensure the rights and interests of the children and families in all proceedings, so that they can be released as quickly as possible from Border Patrol facilities that are inadequate.
Beyond the short-term need to ensure protection of rights and safe environments for our immigrant and refugee families, it is important to deal with the reality of conditions that are occurring in Latin American countries. What is true is the reality that immigrant workers will remain in or return to their homeland when the economy in these countries improves. If the U. S. federal government was really interested in doing something about immigration long-term, it would work to strengthen the sending countries’ economies. There is no reason why the U.S. could not develop bilateral job-creating approaches in key immigrant-sending areas. What is needed now and long-term is moving away from policies that merely focus on an enforcement that racially profiles our communities to policies that will speed-up the process to legalization, and advance a commitment to enhanced funding streams for economic development in the immigrant-sending countries (such as El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras).
It was refreshing after Trump’s announcement of non-support for DACA to see how people from all backgrounds walked out of schools and jobs to protest in support. Our support for the DACA program has been further bolstered by a study that just came out from Professor Roberto Gonzalez, of the Harvard Graduate School of Education, how DACA has benefited over 800,000 of our young immigrants, contributed to the nation’s workforce, and added billions of dollars to the economy. This study comes at a time when the Supreme Court opposed the Trump Administration’s policies to terminate DACA (sending the decision back to the Department of Homeland Security) and brings forward the significance of the November presidential elections in deciding its future.
With this administration’s attacks in opposing DACA and TPS, it is more important than ever to continue organizing marches and protests by our individual organizations alongside building multi-racial coalitions who are collectively carrying out voter turn-out efforts to ensure the election of representatives who truly represent the interests and issues of our communities; fighting alongside our communities against immigration and refugee policies that only focus on enforcement; and fighting for policies that will immediately lead to permanent residency and citizenship for our immigrant and refugee families with no expansion of temporary guest worker (bracero) programs and with labor law protections.
In 1985, the Post-Industrial Society published by the New Democratic Movement began to articulate a new vision of an economy that will provide for and be inclusive of all people in our society. It observed at the time that “most fundamental structural problem of the U.S. economy is failure to increase productivity,” and for more than 30 years, now, the problem has only become worse.
With every crisis, the Federal Reserve prints more money, adding to an unsustainable level of debt, but wages and living standards do not grow for real people. The largest private banks, such as JP Morgan Chase, Deutsche Bank and HSBC, were never required to increase their lending to Main Street. So they didn’t. No one told the corporations who got bailout money that they were under any obligation to do anything with this cheap money either. So they didn’t.
They can go for the quick profit instead of investing in their workers or developing real products and technology.
But people can’t borrow money at 0% interest like banks can. And the banks turn around and charge form loans, credit cards, and student loans. Meanwhile, the central bankers are not even elected by the voters. They are basically free to decide monetary policy as they see fit without any accountability.
The whole structure is undemocratic. They have so much power yet there is no requirement that their policies lead to real growth.
In truth, there hasn’t been laissez-faire capitalism for a long time — and now the most powerful banks and the central bank are running the world. But because of that, the way forward is clear.
The Federal Reserve should be a public utility mandated to serve the productive economy, together with local public banks established to serve the liquidity needs of local economies.
Madeline Chang was a labor and community organizer in Chicago for over a decade. She is currently retired and living in New York City, where she worked in the public schools for 30 years.
Former Vice President Joe Biden, 2020 Democratic presidential candidate, speaks during a news conference in Wilmington, Delaware, U.S., on Thursday, March 12, 2020. Biden sought to deliver an antidote to President Donald Trump's response to the coronavirus outbreak on Thursday, unveiling a new plan that shows how he would fight the spread of the virus and urging the administration to use it. Photographer: Ryan Collerd/Bloomberg via Getty Images
| Steve Clark |
“At the end of February (1932) we were a congeries of disorderly panic-stricken mobs and factions. In the hundred days from March to June we became again an organized nation confident of our power to provide for our own security and to control our own destiny.“
Walter Lippman.
For understandable reasons, many of us could barely look past the November election, given that our nation’s democratic future seemed to ride up on it. But, we did our job well — with Georgia still to decide how well — and our anti-fascist, progressive movement will find itself in a dual power situation with neoliberalism when the new Congress and Biden Administration are installed in January.
We have to be ready for that, too. We want to hit the ground running and know which way we want to go.
First 100 Days
When FDR took office in 1933 — three years into the depths of the Great Depression — he wasted no time. Immediately, he ordered a bank “holiday” (shut-down); then, in the next 100 days, he collaborated with the new Congress to enact sweeping, structural reform of America’s languishing, Gilded Age class relations, starting with the banks and empowering working people at every turn.
Every four years since the New Deal’s launch, pundits speculate about what each President’s first 100 days will mean, but it’s been a very, very long time since a President’s first days carried the import of FDR’s. This year — in the midst of a crisis at least as grave as the Great Depression — the first 100 days will matter.
Or, they won’t. Although Joe Biden is positioned just about like FDR was in 1933, it’s fair to doubt whether he has the vision, personal energy or political capital to make his first 100 days count. It’s also important to note that, despite the New Deal’s many important advances, it did not reverse finance capital’s domination of America’s economy and its government.
Thus, as everyone on the left has noted, it is crucial that our movement provide both direction and backbone for whatever can and will be mustered in Biden’s first days and through his first term.
Come January, the real struggle for social justice, economic power and ecological regeneration begins in our country. It will be a fight over executive orders, regulatory action, new agencies, legislation, civic commissions and constitutional amendments, all propelled by the nationwide, grassroots urgency that erupted in the wake of George Floyd’s murder.
And, because the US is the world’s military hegemon and our dollar is civilization’s global reserve currency, come January, the real struggle for democratic control of the world’s financial system also kicks in.
We’ve come to the brink. As currently constituted, the corporate system is the antithesis of social, economic and ecological justice. If the present social uprising is going to be a real revolution, finance capital must be checked, remanded, taxed, and institutionally constrained.
Here in rough-draft is a revolutionary plan of attack for Biden’s first 100 days. A combination of immediate actions and starting points, it targets financial (class) justice as well as wider struggles for racial, social and environmental justice. I thank my friends who’ve contributed so far, and I look forward to incorporating additions and feedback from readers in a second draft (some aligned co-advocates are noted or linked in parentheses).
First 100 Days Agenda
For Presidential Edict and/or Congressional Action
Temporary Emergency Aid for Pandemic Relief
Extend unemployment benefits, augmented with $600/week supplemental benefits, to eligible Americans; establish immediate, federal income support payments for all others, including gig economy workers
Open immediate registration for those eligible for Obamacare and Medicare; for all others, guarantee coverage for all testing, treatment and sick leave for Covid-related illness; extend Family Medical Leave Act benefits
Direct federal payments, as necessary, to redeem all pandemic-provoked, revenue shortfalls of state, municipal and tribal governments
Establish federal Pandemic Service Thank You! Stipends for essential healthcare workers, food production/service workers and teachers
Enforce a moratorium on housing evictions and mortgage defaults imposed by corporate owners
Enforce a moratorium on student, consumer and personal debt payments (principal and interest) to corporate lenders
Social Justice
Defund police and end the war on black people
Pass the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act (HR 7120)
End the 1033 Program and other federal transfers of military equipment to local police departments
Direct the Department of Justice to establish and administer a program of national block grant funding for state-coordinated, municipally-administered, community-based, alternatives-to-police, social programs
Pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act
Defund US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE); support the human right of political asylum; cease deportation of status (non-criminal) offenders; correct US policy that fosters emigration from Latin America; restore Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA); provide a path to citizenship for immigrant residents
Expand grants to public colleges and universities to enable free tuition and expand research to advance social and ecological problem-solving
Extend statehood to the District of Columbia and the option of statehood or independence to Puerto Rico
Advance a Constitutional Amendment to abolish the Electoral College
Advance a Constitutional Amendment to establish an annual federal Election Holiday, specifically for voting and civic affairs
Drop the filibuster and return to majority rule in the Senate
Ban sale of US-made, military-grade weapons to private citizens and non-government organizations; enact “common sense” gun control
Appoint a blue-ribbon Civic, Culture and Sports Commission to promote diversity appreciation, tolerance and equal rights under law:
Legacy education, community-based truth & reconciliation programs; reparations for African-American slavery and Native People expropriation
A welcome hand to the world’s destitute and downtrodden
Respect for each individual’s unique gender and sexual identity
A reappraisal of American Exceptionalism as the US joins the community of nations confronting global climate crisis
Economic Power
Declare a “market holiday” to suspend stock market operations and install protections for the American retirement system
Suspend Federal Reserve infusions to US corporations that sustain the stock market bubble
Convene a Market Bubble Deflation Task Force of bank, market, Fed, Treasury and monetary policy experts to de-escalate the bubble and protect American retirement accounts (pension funds, IRAs, etc.)
Reinstate Glass-Steagall; forge a nationwide, community-based banking system for people and non-profits as well as small and family-owned businesses
Advance a Constitutional Amendment to establish a Job Guarantee as the right of all American citizens
Direct the Secretary of Labor to restructure the Department of Labor (DOL) to make achieving and maintaining genuine full employment its core mission
Administer federal grants to states to permanently convert unemployment offices to Employment Offices
Administer funding to guarantee on-demand, dignified, public service jobs (life-sustaining wages plus benefits) to every adult in every community
Collaborate with state, municipal and tribal governments to source and fund jobs with community-based, non-profit, service organizations (NGOs)
Raise the minimum wage to $15/hour; set and periodically update national labor standards to ensure life-sustaining wages, childcare and vacation benefits for all workers
Ensure healthcare for all US residents
Direct the Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS) to refortify and reorient the US Public Health Service to ensure effective access to care in all American communities, including the capacity to test and trace during pandemics and the provision of full health services for women and transpersons; establish a national stockpile of vital health equipment and supplies
Enact Medicare for All
Empower the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) to establish behavioral guidelines and standards during national health crises
Advance a Constitutional Amendment to bar corporations from funding, advertising, fundraising, and otherwise participating in US elections
Ecological Regeneration
Proclaim a global, climate change emergency
Appoint a Green New DealJoint Task Force to include the Vice President; the secretaries of Labor, Treasury, State and the EPA; Congressional leaders (Sanders/AOC); an NGO advisory council; and public citizens to:
Design and implement a federal program to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2025
Design and administer state and local GND programs via NGO-public partnerships at various levels
Design industrial policy and implement state and local, public-private partnerships to expand jobs while revitalizing infrastructure, recycling & waste management, electrification, transportation, communication, and civic participation (voting) systems nationwide
Make the Federal Emergency Management Agency a cabinet level department and augment it with an Emergency Service Corps to provide permanent, entry-level and career employment in disaster response, crisis management, emergency relief, containment and mitigation, and community re-construction services
Financial Reconstruction
Enact federal legislation to permanently cancel existing consumer, student, tenant and personal debt to corporations
Enact a permanent federal bank tax on all corporate electronic funds transfers (EFTs) to hold the corporate sector to account for the social and ecological crises government now must mitigate
Target socially and ecologically retrograde corporations (i.e., oil, guns) with higher EFT tax rates
End debt ceiling resolutions and the practice of issuing US Treasury bonds to the Federal Reserve in the amount of any federal deficit
Enact a permanent federal franchise fee on credit extended by corporate lenders to private sector borrowers
Global Solidarity and Multilateralism
Revoke restrictions on US family-planning assistance under the Mexico City Accords
Rejoin the Paris Climate Accords and the World Health Organization
Support creation of a Global Citizens Assembly to design and implement a Global Green New Deal and Job Guarantee (GGND&JG)
Build an alliance of nation-states for the GGND&JG at the United Nations
Deploy US power at International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Bank of International Settlements (BIS) to mobilize central banks to implement a GGND&JG for people and nations, everywhere
Create a GGND&JG special drawing right (SDR) currency and a SDR-denominated bank tax (on corporate EFTs) to establish a GGND&JG world market
Cancel foreign-denominated debts of nation-states, worldwide, to the World Bank and other corporate lenders
Expand World Health Organization programs to ensure access to healthcare for everyone, worldwide
Direct the Secretary of the Treasury to discontinue all US-imposed financial sanctions programs including those against Cuba, Russia, Venezuela, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Nicaragua, Iraq, North Korea, Yemen, Libya and Hong Kong
Direct the Secretary of Defense to reduce department spending by 10 percent per year for the first term
Direct the Secretary of State to increase department spending by 10 percent per year for the first term
Restrict international trade of US-made, military-grade weapons and systems
Support multilateral programs of civic administration, special reparations, conflict resolution, and truth & reconciliation for regions of enduring culturally- and religiously-rooted conflict (such as Jerusalem)
This is a portrait of Sandi Smith from my first mural Women Warriors, painted in East Flatbush, Brooklyn, NY in October-December 2001.
Sandi, Sandra Neely Smith, was one of the Greensboro Five – five people shot & killed by the KKK at an anti-Klan protest in Greensboro North Carolina on November 3rd, 1979. She was a good friend of my parents, who named my sister after her. She held me as a baby, and was a favorite auntie to many of the kids. My father told the story that, as the shooting began, people cleared out of the way to safety. My pregnant mother crouched between two cars. Sandi was pulling the children from harm’s way, & got behind a wall. She peeked her head out to see if there were any kids left out there, and that’s when she was fatally shot.
Just about every time I look out behind me, & literally every time I’m on my bike & turn my head all the way back to check the traffic (several times every single ride), literally every time I do that I think of Sandi Smith sticking her neck out to make sure all of the kids were okay.
NYC’s Owner to Owners initiative to support business owners with employee ownership solutions is bold, timely, and strategic.
It’s bold because the program will conduct outreach to 20,000 businesses in the coming months.
It’s timely because small business owners in their 60s and 70s may be ready to retire. The pandemic and lockdowns have heightened risks and made succession plans more urgent than ever.
It’s strategic because it’ll contribute to democratizing the economy, sustaining community engagement and empowerment, and stemming wealth and racial inequality.
Still, large-scale Federal dollars in the form of grants, forgivable loans, and tax incentives will be needed because small businesses, especially in BIPOC communities, are getting crushed under the weight of a pandemic-triggered recession and the unbridled power of the biggest corporations.
Helping business owners at this historic moment to sell to their employees can be a win-win-win, starting with the business owner, the employees, and the community. The benefits can extend broadly in space and time. And they must.
a five-year-old socialist group that offers a hub for on-the-ground organizers around the country to strategize together. LeftRoots’ membership includes “super-majorities both of people of color, and of women and other gender-oppressed people.” Co-founder NTanya Lee says this isn’t “just a racial critique that the contemporary U.S. Left is too white” (though “that is a fact,” she adds). Instead, it’s vital, she says, that any movement to transform the world be “rooted in the struggles of working-class communities of color who are the ones who have the most at stake in defeating the system and winning the liberation that we really want.
Miners push the last coal loaded mining carriage at the end of their last shift at the coal mine in the Romanian city of Petrila, on October 30, 2015. Petrila, the oldest coal mine in Romania and deepest mine in Europe, that opened in 1859 under the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was closed on October 30, 2015 as part of Bucharest promises to liquidate unprofitable mines.
AFP PHOTO / DANIEL MIHAILESCU (Photo credit should read DANIEL MIHAILESCU/AFP via Getty Images)
| James Bernard |
I think that there is a profound lack of compassion for poor and working class white people in this country. I believe that there is white privilege and that the original sin of this country was slavery, something that is baked into our collective DNA. I believe that the key to personal salvation is to admit and address our sins. I think the idea might apply here. Refusal to deal with our original sin is why I see why Black people have an adverse reaction to the very sight of white skin. (If you accuse me of being disingenuous for avoiding the first person plural here, I would have no defense.)
I don’t get why the white elite, liberal or conservative, would have such a lack of compassion in the aggregate. That’s kind of unforgivable because race does not separate the elite from those in need who are poor, struggling, and white.
However, as I joke with my friend Patricia, a former Bleecker Street singer who has fallen on hard times due to physical disability and near-homelessness, her white skin didn’t really deliver for her. I don’t believe it has delivered for 95% of white people in this country. But still, as a whole I believe that white people who do not have their fair share of this country’s bounty are sold a bill of goods that their whiteness is valuable, and they cling to it because they have little else but a soothing vague sense of superiority.
And I get why.
When you live under a form of capitalist culture — capitalism is not bad in theory, but the practice here has not given us the results the vast majority of us should experience — that tells you that there is something wrong with you, a major failing, if you can’t afford luxury — much less keep a job or feed your family — it is a moral failing on your part, anything that makes you feel good about what you inherently are is going to be very attractive, even if it is, in my view, flawed, to say the least.
Most people, rich, poor, Black, white, brown, yellow, male, female, are human. I guess that’s a circular statement. What comes from being human is a tendency not to understand why we do things and a lack of desire to figure it out. So I personally forgive.
In the extreme, however, the need for this feeling produces the Proud Boys. I would hope that federal law enforcement and intelligence agencies will see groups like the Proud Boys as the kind of threat that the Black Panthers and the like were not really threats (the Black Panthers did not carry loaded weapons and if they had, they didn’t use them to kill, injure or menace anyone). Personally, I believe that white supremacist groups are a threat to our country, they are treasonous, and they should be dealt with as such.
Unlike many on my side of the table, I do not believe the Electoral College is automatically evil. If we went to a straight popular vote system and Democrats could win every election on the coasts and major urban areas, they would not be forced to campaign in every state or think about the country as a whole, even if only for expediency. That would not be good for the country. However, I feel strongly that the Senate is unfair and undemocratic in nature, but the Senate is not the point of my little exercise here. Maybe the Electoral College could use some reform. I haven’t thought that through, and the Electoral College is not the point of this little exercise.
Both parties need to get serious about jobs for working class people, especially in the middle of the country. We should have opportunities for people to earn a living that will provide enough for working class families to thrive, not just survive. I believe that the Republican Establishment is fine with people hoarding wealth. I think that the Democratic Establishment is too. Both parties focus on job growth in the aggregate, rather than quality of jobs and where the jobs are being created.
I have a serious rock and roll fantasy and often imagine myself on stage when I listen to music. I have a serious large scale social change fantasy. In it, I spend a lot of time traveling to places decimated by trade policies, diminished unions, and just plain neglect from the powers that be. In it, I am able to explain to people that there is a plan for job growth and simply not job growth in the aggregate. I want to be able to look individual heads of families in the eye and tell them, in effect, “I understand that your livelihood is being taken away from you due to larger forces that you cannot control. It is not your fault. But here is another job in a more needed industry. If you will lose your job on Friday, here is where you will go on Monday for a job that will fill you with joy for what you are able to do for your families and for which you will be trained. You will not miss a paycheck.”
When I allow myself my little fantasies of being onstage playing loud and offensive music that makes ears bleed, I am not the perfect performer. However, I believe that this message is a perfect message among many perfect messages that can be conceived, codified, and made real. Of course, the execution is the key issue, but I think we need to be on the same page first about concrete goals.
Voices for New Democracy 